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Ato Bereket Simon's full opening speech at Fana Broadcasting forum on current issues - October 2016

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1148 days ago, 29399 views
Ato Bereket Simon's full opening speech at Fana Broadcasting forum on current issues - October 2016

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Showing 1 to 10 of 33 comments.
commenter - 1140 days ago
DOWN DOWN WOYANE
commenter - 1144 days ago
Bereket the Bekt
commenter - 1145 days ago
STATE OF EMERGENCY
ከዛሬ 10/2016 ጀምሮ አንበጣን በመያዝ ለግል ጥቅም ማድረግ ወይም መግደል ህገ መንግስቱን በመጣስ አይቻልም።በህገ መንግስቱ መሰረት ያስቀጣል ይህ ህገ መንግስት ከወጣበት ከዛሬ ጀምሮ።
የአማራና የኦሮሞ ተወላጅ የሆናችሁ የእኛን ባህላዊ ምግብ ማንቛሸሽና ከአገሪቱ ለማጥፋት ሙከራ ማድረግም ሆነ መሞከር የተከለከለ መሆኑን በጥብቅ እናሳስባለን ።ነገርግን ለትግራይ ተወላጆች አንበጣን ለምግብ መያዝ በህገ መንግስቱ የተፈቀደ ሆኖ ከሁለት ጆንያ በላይ አይፈቀድም።ከዚያ በላይ ይዛችሁ ከተገኛችሁ ሰላሳ ሽብርና ስድስት ወር እስራት እንደምትቀጡ እናስታዉቃለን።ይህን አዋጅ ትምክተኛ አማራዎችና ዘረኛ ኦሮሞዎች የማትከተሉና የማታከብሩ ከሆነ አጋሰስ ጦራችንን ነዉ የምንልክባችሁ ዋ ተጠንቀቁ።
commenter - 1145 days ago
TPLF is going to play with fire till it engulf and destroy it. Foolish to its r core. Berket from beginning was meles and TPLF right hand in handling the Amhara rigion, so TPLF wants him their to kill Amharas on their behalf breeding HODAM Amhars. so they are willing to share with him the loot, after all his is one of theme. Amhars has to take care of him because he is the one in unison with TPLF who is killing their brothers and sisters. He is faking confidence to show TPLF they are still in control. The Ethiopian people will take theme a month of so that to figure out how to go forward the best way to dismantle TPLF. Bereket is barking the last bark.
commenter - 1145 days ago
Current Ethiopian Army by Ethnic Tigrean officers

High Ranking Military Officials Principal Defense Departments (Woyane)

No
Job Division
Name & Rank
Ethnic Group
1
Armed Forces Chief-of-Staff
General Smora Yenus
Tigre
2
Armed Forces Head of Training
Lt.General Tadesse Worde
Tigre
3
Head of Logistics
Lt.General Gezae Abera
Tigre
4
Head of Intelligence
Br. General Gebre Dela
Tigre
5
Armed Forces Head of Campaign
Major General Gebreegzher
Tigre
6
Armed Forces Head of Engineering
Lt.General Berhane Negash
Tigre
7
Chief of the Air Force
Chief of the Air Force
Tigre
Heads of the Nation’s four Military Commands (Woyane)

No
Job Division
Name & Rank
Ethnic Group
1
Central Command
General Abebaw Tadesse
Agew
2
Northern Command
Lt.General Saere Mekonene
Tigre
3
South Eastern Command Lt.General Abraha Wolde
Tigre
4
Western Command Br. General Seyoum Hagos
Tigre


Army Divisional Commanders (Woyane)

Central Command (Woyane)

No
Job Division
Name & Rank
Ethnic Group
1
31st Army Division Colonel Tsegaye Marx
Tigre
2
33rd Army Division Colonel Kidane
Tigre
3
35th Army Division Colonel Misganaw Alemu
Tigre
4
24th Army Division Colonel Work Aynu
Tigre
5
22nd Army Division Colonel Dikul
Tigre
6
8th Mechanized Division Colonel Jamal Mohammed
Tigre

Northern Command (Woyane)

No
Job Division
Name & Rank
Ethnic Group
1
14st Army Division Colonel Wodi Antiru
Tigre
2
21st Army Division Colonel Gueshi Gebre
Tigre
3
11th Army Division Colonel Workidu
Tigre
4
25th Army Division Colonel Tesfay Sahiel
Tigre
5
22nd Army Division Colonel Teklay Klashin
Tigre
6
4th Mechanized Division Colonel Hinsaw Giorgis
Tigre

South Eastern Command (Woyane)

No
Job Division
Name & Rank
Ethnic Group
1
19st Army Division Colonel Wodi Guaae
Tigre
2
44st Army Division Colonel Zewdu Tefera
Tigre
3
13th Army Division Colonel Sherifo
Tigre
4
12th Army Division Colonel Mulugeta Berhe
Tigre
5
32nd Army Division Colonel Abraha Tselim
Tigre
6
6th Mechanized Division Colonel G/Medhin Fekede
Tigre

Western Command (Woyane)

No
Job Division
Name & Rank
Ethnic Group
1
23rd Army Division Colonel Wolde Belalom
Tigre
2
43rd Army Division Colonel Wodi Abate
Tigre
3
26th Army Division Colonel Mebrahtu
Tigre
4
7th Mechanized Division Colonel Gebre Mariam
Tigre

Commanders in Different Defense Departments (Woyane)

No
Job Division
Name & Rank
Ethnic Group
1
Agazi Commando Division B.General Mohammed Esha
Tigre
2
Addis Ababa & Surrounding Area Guard Colonel Zenebe Amare
Tigre
3
Palace Guard Colonel Gerensay
Tigre
4
Banking Guard Colonel Hawaz Woldu
Tigre
5
Engineering College Colonel Halefom Eggigu
Tigre
6
Military Health Science B.General Tesfay Gidey
Tigre
7
Mulugeta Buli Technical College Colonel Meleya Amare
Tigre
8
Resource Management College Colonel Letay
Tigre
9
Siftana Command College B.General Moges Haile
Tigre
10
Blaten Military Training Center Colonel Salih Berihu
Tigre
11
Wourso Military Training Center Colonel Negash Heluf
Tigre
12
Awash Arba Military Training Center Colonel Muze
Tigre
13
Birr Valley Military Training Center Colonel Negassie Shikortet
Tigre
14
Defense Administration Department B.General Mehari Zewde
Tigre
15
Defense Aviation B.General Kinfe Dagnew
Tigre
16
Defense Research and Study B.General Halefom Chento
Tigre
17
Defense Justice Department Colonel Askale
Tigre
18
Secretary of the Chief-of-Staff Colonel Tsehaye Manjus
Tigre
19
Indoctrination Center B.General Akale Asaye
Amhara
20
Communications Department Colonel Sebbhat
Tigre
21
Foreign Relations Department Colonel Hassene
Tigre
22
Special Forces Coordination Department B.General Fisseha Manjus
Tigre
23
Operations Department Colonel Wodi Tewk
Tigre
24
Planning, Readiness and Programming Department Colonel Teklay Ashebir
Tigre
25
Defense Industries Coordination Department Colonel Wodi Negash
Tigre
26
Defense Finance Department Colonel Zewdu
Tigre
27
Defense Purchasing Department Colonel Gedey
Tigre
28
Defense Budget Department Ato/Mr. Berhane
Tigre
commenter - 1145 days ago
The Ethiopian economy is controlled by two large interlocking conglomerates: The Endowment Fund For The Rehabilitation of Tigrai (EFFORT) and Mohamed International Development Research Organization Companies (MIDROC), the Saudi billionaire, Sheikh Mohamed Al-Amoudi’s vast business enterprise.

However, the focus of this report is on EFFORT, the Tigrai People’s Liberation Front’s (TPLF) economic empire, that has monopolized the private sector of the Ethiopian economy to the extent never seen anywhere in the African continent.

The seeds for the thriving TPLF business empire were planted back in 1978 when the Relief Society of Tigrai (REST), the financial umbrella of the rebel movement in Northern Ethiopia was created as an NGO. Though REST was a relief organization, a TPLF Central Committee member headed it; and it collected donations from the international community and channeled it to the TPLF, playing a key role in the survival and ultimate victory of the TPLF over the Marxist military Derg.

After the TPLF came to power in 1991, REST was formally registered with the Ethiopian government’s Relief & Rehabilitation Commission as an “NGO”. As the financial backbone of the TPLF, REST continued enjoying state protection; and the restructured REST emerged as the richest “NGO” in the African continent. In the summer of 1995, about four years after the rebel group took control of power in Ethiopia, the TPLF established a stronger peer for REST – the Endowment Fund for the Rehabilitation of Tigrai (EFFORT). Business documents suggest that EFFORT started its business venture with a lofty investment volume of about 2.7 billion birr — then just under U.S. $1 billion.

The predominance of party-owned companies, referred to as parastatals, that control the strategic income generating sectors such as agriculture, industry, banking, mining, import-export, transport, construction, insurance, and communications is bitterly resented by private entrepreneurs as well as the general population which views it as a deliberate ethnic based and systemic economic exploitation. Since 1995, the TPLF has been using the parastatals under EFFORT as a “cash cow” to accumulate immense amounts of wealth to pursue its ethnically motivated political and economic domination of Ethiopia.

Although privatization was initiated early on and a competitive policy and trade practice commissions were developed, they did not have a significant impact, since the process was discriminatory and highly politicized — plagued with nepotism, insider information, and other political considerations. In its most egregious form, for example, the entire process of modernizing and increasing the role of the private sector is delayed to this day until the weak parastatals are able to compete and become major players especially in the lucrative IT and Telecommunications sector.

The World Bank, many internal and external observers, as well as, business people have noted that party-owned enterprises enjoy preferential access to contracts, capital, physical infrastructure and administrative services, tax breaks and other politically motivated and privileged supports.

The business community complains that the system of taxation is aggressive and targets those who do not have political connection, or those who are not linked to party parastatals. Some business people have complained that heavy taxes have been used as a tactic of pressurizing and settling scores on those suspected of supporting the opposition.

For example, the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia (CBE) the dominant market player, faced financial meltdown a few years ago as its level of non-performing loans (NPLs) passed the 50% mark, due to unregulated lending to state-owned companies, parastatals, and to private individuals with political or personal connections with bank officials.

The parastatals also have an adverse impact on the investment climate and the economic well being of a large segment of the society. First of all, they deliberately give privileged and monopolistic economic power to a minority segment of the society to control huge amounts of assets by TPLF- the ruling party. Secondly, they create barriers to new market entrants, especially for those who refuse to enter into some kind of joint venture or cooperative activity with the parastatals. Thirdly, they create an endemic culture of obscene corruption by leveraging state resources and unfair trade practices through granting privileged access to land and information regarding procurement. Moreover, since these parastatals operate across various sectors, some have real strategic influence on other sectors [transport sector] and high demand commodities [fertilizer].

The TPLF has clearly been engaged in massive corruption and unethical business practices by national or international business rules and practices since its rise to power in Ethiopia. As a ruling party, it not only owns strategic sectors of the economy and engages in commercial and trading activities, it also puts competing private sectors in a hopeless no-win situation. This preponderant economic dominance is also used as a political weapon to harass, incarcerate, dominate, weaken and control opposition forces in order to stay in power indefinitely.

Under these untenable circumstances, it is a moral imperative for the Ethiopian people to continue the struggle against the total economic and political domination of the Tigrai ethnic minority regime, that hails from one of the poorest regions of Ethiopia and produces no exportable commodity, yet, parasitically exploits the natural resources of the country for its sole benefit.

The economic hegemony of the TPLF coupled with its gross mismanagement of the nation’s resources and the massive systemic corruption that has infected the body politic of the nation is the ticking time bomb that may very well destroy the fabric of the Ethiopian society.
commenter - 1146 days ago
DOWN DOWN WOYANE
commenter - 1146 days ago
STATE OF EMERGENCY
ከዛሬ 10/2016 ጀምሮ አንበጣን በመያዝ ለግል ጥቅም ማድረግ ወይም መግደል ህገ መንግስቱን በመጣስ አይቻልም።በህገ መንግስቱ መሰረት ያስቀጣል ይህ ህገ መንግስት ከወጣበት ከዛሬ ጀምሮ።
የአማራና የኦሮሞ ተወላጅ የሆናችሁ የእኛን ባህላዊ ምግብ ማንቛሸሽና ከአገሪቱ ለማጥፋት ሙከራ ማድረግም ሆነ መሞከር የተከለከለ መሆኑን በጥብቅ እናሳስባለን ።ነገርግን ለትግራይ ተወላጆች አንበጣን ለምግብ መያዝ በህገ መንግስቱ የተፈቀደ ሆኖ ከሁለት ጆንያ በላይ አይፈቀድም።ከዚያ በላይ ይዛችሁ ከተገኛችሁ ሰላሳ ሽብርና ስድስት ወር እስራት እንደምትቀጡ እናስታዉቃለን።ይህን አዋጅ ትምክተኛ አማራዎችና ዘረኛ ኦሮሞዎች የማትከተሉና የማታከብሩ ከሆነ አጋሰስ ጦራችንን ነዉ የምንልክባችሁ ዋ ተጠንቀቁ።
commenter - 1146 days ago
always ppl who start with insult are ppl who cant use there brain .
commenter - 1147 days ago
Bereket ye shermuta lij. Go to hell. Down down woyane!

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