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Mandela’s Long Walk to Ethiopia

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As a founder of the ANC’s armed wing, Mandela was deeply drawn to Ethiopia. His time there tells us a lot about the young leader.
ARTICLE |  | BY JOSEPH HAMMOND

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia:

The death of Nelson Mandela last month elicited tributesfrom around the globe as the life of the man who negotiated with South Africa’s apartheid rulers to bring about majority rule. But despite the commemorations focusing on his capacity for forgiveness in the 1990s, and his ability to make peace with the regime that had imprisoned him, the Mandela of the early 1960s was a very different man. He was a guerrilla, not a peacemaker, and in 1961 had co-founded the armed-wing of the African National Congress (ANC), the Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) or ‘Spear of the Nation’.

To truly understand Mandela, we must understand this earlier part of his life. And to understand this earlier part of his life, we must examine his attraction to Ethiopia where he spent time as a revolutionary. Numerous references to Ethiopia appear in his various memoirs, and a new film will be based around his time there.

Since Mandela’s passing, a degree of controversy around his time in Ethiopia has also emerged, coming from an unlikely source. Shortly after his death, a story in the Israeli newspaper Haaretzreported that Israel’s secret intelligence agency Mossad had clandestinely trained Mandela. As evidence, Haaretz quoted part of a letter by a member of Israeli embassy staff that describes Mandela. “He greeted our men with ‘Shalom’, was familiar with the problems of Jewry and of Israel and gave the impression of being an intellectual. The staff tried to make him into a Zionist,” it reads.

While the Nelson Mandela Foundation has questioned the authenticity of the letter, there is no doubt Mandela was indeed familiar with Jewish and Israeli issues. In his autobiography Long Walk to Freedom, Mandela wrote that he “read The Revolt by Menachem Begin and was encouraged by the fact that the Israeli leader had led a guerrilla force in a country with neither mountains nor forests, a situation similar to our own.”

However, while the exact role of Israel and Mossad in Mandela’s life remains under scrutiny, there is no doubt that Ethiopia − the African kingdom that successfully resisted colonialism, save for a brief Italian occupation from 1936 to 1941 − held a particular allure for Nelson Mandela and many African nationalists of the period. Until he was eclipsed by Mandela, it could be argued that Emperor Haile Selassie was Africa’s most famous politician of the 20th century. Even in the US, African American publications frequently covered Haile Selassie, and he later became the living god of the Rastafarian religion, though history has not been kind to the emperor, partly thanks to Ryszard Kapuściński’s famous The Emperor: Downfall of an Autocrat, with many now remembering him as the ruler who spent his time feeding the pride of lions he kept in his palace, indifferent to domestic affairs.

Meeting the Ras

Nevertheless it should not be forgotten the Selassie of the 1960s was an ardent Pan-Africanist, and it was in Addis Ababa that the Pan-African Freedom Movement for East, Central and Southern Africa (PAFMECSA) was hosted in 1962. PAFMECSA was the forerunner of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), which was in turn the forerunner of today’s African Union.

In Long Walk to Freedom, Mandela recalls his excitement on visiting Ethiopia. He notes that the prospect of seeing Ethiopia always intrigued him more than visiting Europe or America, writing that “Ethiopia has always held a special place in my own imagination…I felt I would be visiting my own genesis, unearthing the roots of what made me an African.”

Mandela, 43 at the time, experienced a cultural shock when he boarded the Ethiopian Airlines flight from Khartoum to Addis Ababa to find an Ethiopian pilot at the controls. “How could a black man fly an airplane? But a moment later I caught myself: I had fallen into the apartheid mind-set, thinking Africans were inferior and that flying was a white man’s job. I sat back in my seat, and chided myself for such thoughts. Once we were in the air, I lost my nervousness and studied the geography of Ethiopia, thinking how guerrilla forces hid in these very forests to fight the Italian imperialists.”

Entering Addis Ababa, which he calls the Imperial City, in February 1962, Mandela’s vision of Ethiopia was, for the moment, shattered: “a few tarred streets, and more goats and sheep than cars. Apart from the Imperial Palace, the university, and the Ras Hotel, where we stayed, there were few structures that could compare with even the least impressive buildings of Johannesburg,” he writes.

Today, most roads are paved and covered in cars, especially the city’s ubiquitous shared taxis, though the city’s skyline is still somewhat spartan when compared to the skyscrapers of Johannesburg. Time though has been less kind to the Ras Hotel: in one corner stands a haggard stuffed lion while women of the night cast around the lobby for potential customers. Outside, the revolving door, touts and beggars wait to pounce on tourists under a portico next to the neighbouring book-vendor selling Amharic and a few English books including a knockoff copy of Kapuściński’s The Emperor. The Ethiopian ‘national cuisine’ served in the downstairs restaurant is, however, as good as any in the city.

Another change from when Mandela first visited the city is that a room on the Third Floor has since been turned into a veritable shrine to the man himself, albeit one that is available for hire, while the third floor is now The Mandela Floor. A larger than life image of a grey-haired Mandela greets visitors from the top of the stairs followed by a photo of Robben Island on the door to the Mandela room. The three-chambered suite is modest by today’s standards but would have seemed lavish in the early 1960s, the heyday of the hotel when it was graced by many notables.

Mandela met many of these at the 1962 PAFMECSA conference, but it was Emperor Selassie − whom Mandela asked for help raising funds, a crucial part of the ANC’s revolutionary cause − who made one of the biggest impressions. As he later recalled in Conversations with Myself: “That was an impressive fellow, man, very impressive. It was my first time to watch…a head of state going through the formalities… the motions of formality. This chap came wearing a uniform and he then came and bowed. But it was a bow which was not a bow – he stood erect, you see, but just brought down his head.”

He later observed Selassie at a military parade. At the time, Ethiopia was a US ally, and US military advisors at the occasion paid their respects to the emperor, leading Mandela to note: “to see whites going to a black monarch emperor and bowing was also very interesting.” The US was one of just six countries to never recognise the Italian occupation of Ethiopia and the two states were enjoying warm relations at the time of Mandela’s visit. In 1957, then US Vice President Richard Nixon visited Ethiopia and hailed the kingdom as “one of the United States’ most stalwart and consistent allies.”

Arming up

After the conference, Mandela left Ethiopia to continue his wide-ranging fundraising tour, visiting Egypt, Mali, Tunisia, Guinea, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Senegal and the UK. Habib Bourguiba of Tunisia was a particularly strong supporter, donating £5,000 (which is around $150,000 in today’s money) to Umkhonto we Sizwe for arms. En route, Mandela also received some training in guerrilla warfare from Algerian rebels in Morocco.

However, as agreed, Mandela soon returned to Ethiopia for military training. The ANC had offices in Cairo and Accra, but neither Nasser’s Egypt nor Nkrumah’s Ghana had a military versed in guerrilla warfare. However, in deciding to train in Ethiopia rather than a Warsaw Pact country or China, Mandela was openly branding the armed portion of the ANC struggle as African and moving the ANC’s position away from the Soviet Union, a policy that might have influenced him to meet with the Israelis.

Ethiopia, whose military had multiple veterans of the guerrilla war against the Italian occupation, also possibly presented Mandela with the best opportunity to learn the military skills necessary to lead Umkhonto we Sizwe. He planned to spend half a year receiving training on weaponry, tactics and leadership. ANC’s armed wing had already launched a series of sabotage attacks in South Africa so instruction on mines, sabotage and explosives was also given. Mandela’s training included live fire exercises with both Eastern bloc and American made weapons. And Mandela’s instructors were Colonel Biru Tadesse, Colonel G.E. Bekele and Lieutenant Befikadu Wondomu; Wondomu, a former fighter, led the physical training while Tadesse lectured Mandela in the philosophy of guerrilla warfare. The recently-emerged Israeli government letter implies Mandela was trained by someone referred to as “the Ethiopian”, which could mean some of Mandela’s instructors were linked to the Israelis.

Indeed, Israel was keen to cultivate good relations with the non-Arab countries in Africa at the time, though later, as African liberation movements came to be dominated by communist elements, this policy shifted slowly to an awkward security relationship with the apartheid South African government.

Biniyam Mengistu, a tour guide and local historian in the southern Ethiopian city of Harrar, believes Mandela received some of his instruction in Harrar. If this is true, it was perhaps Tadesse who invited him to visit this important city in Ethiopia east. The region’s main inhabitants, the Oromo people, are Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group, and Tadesse eventually launched his own guerrilla war against the state four years later in the name of Oromo nationalism. In 1975, he was executed having been arrested by the Derg government.

To this day, the time Tadesse spent with Mandela is source of pride for Oromo nationalists. A grainy photo of him in uniform standing next to Mandela can be found on many Oromo nationalist websites and the Oromo National Congress (now the Oromo Federalist Congress) originally named itself after Mandela’s African National Congress.

The way of the gun

In the end, Mandela’s time in Ethiopia only lasted a few short weeks before it was decided that he was needed in South Africa. On the orders of Haile Selassie, Tadesse gave Mandela a Bulgarian-made Makarov pistol and 200 rounds of ammunition before his trip home. He was also issued an Ethiopian passport under the name David Motsamay (“the walker”).

After arrival in South Africa, Mandela was smuggled to the Liliesleaf Farm in north Johannesburg, an important ANC safe house. But as the noose around the fugitive tightened, he decided to burythe pistol. Digging a 1.5 metre pit not far from the farm’s kitchen, he wrapped the weapon and its ammunition in foil and placed the stash, along with his military uniform, under a tin plate. Arrested days later, he never returned for the weapon.

However, Mandela did return to Ethiopia decades later in 1990 to address the OAU in Addis Ababa. This meant meeting Mariam Mengistu, Ethiopia’s brutal dictator who had ruled Ethiopia directly or indirectly since 1974. During Mengistu’s rule, more than 2 million Ethiopians were murdered or died of starvation, and with the Soviet Union on the verge of collapse, Mengistu beseeched Mandela to visit and provide him with a small propaganda victory.

Perhaps reluctantly, Mandela agreed to the short visit whilst already on a trip to Tanzania. Coarsefootage from the period shows the veteran Mengistu beaming as he honours Mandela, yet it is Mandela who appears the statelier figure. When Mengistu was overthrown the next year, he fled to Zimbabwe and even briefly visited South Africa in 1999 to receive medical treatment. Mandela’s government flirted with turning him over to international authorities but Mengistu soon returned toZimbabwe where he has kept a low profile ever since.

Old friends

Mandela’s time in Ethiopia provides insight into the man and helps place the ANC struggle in its broader African context. It further illuminates his commitment to armed struggle, making his later role as peacemaker all the more revealing. In recognition of the importance of this period in Mandela’s life, a new major film slated for release this year will focus on his African travels and guerrilla training in Ethiopia. Directed by John Irvin, the film, called Mandela’s Gun, will see Tumisho Masha play Mandela − making him the first South African to play Mandela in a major film.

Ethiopia has never forgotten its links to Nelson Mandela, and in 2011, for example, 2,300 trees were planted around Addis Ababa in his honour on the Second Annual International Nelson Mandela Day. The pistol that Mandela received in Ethiopia meanwhile has never been found. Mandela provided further information about its probable location on a visit to the farm in 2003, and in 2011 excavations began on the site to locate the lost pistol, but it has remained elusive.

Think Africa Press welcomes inquiries regarding the republication of its articles. If you would like to republish this or any other article for re-print, syndication or educational purposes, please contact:editor@thinkafricapress.com.

Source: Think Africa Press

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On the TPLF’s Love Affair With ‘Genocide’

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Ethiopia's Lalibela, a UN World Heritage Site, now under Tigrayan forces control

Today, the joint investigation report by the Ethiopian Human Rights Council and the UNHR
on human rights violations committed in Tigray concluded that there is no evidence that genocide has taken place so far. While this is a bit of a setback for the TPLF, which has wanted the world to believe—since the 1990s, even as the TPLF was dominating power in Addis—that a genocide has been perpetrated against the people of Tigray, unfortunately the group still appears to be determined to make genocide a reality. This is confusing for people who don’t understand why the TPLF is obsessed with genocide, why its internet cadres began using #TigrayGenocide in April 2020, months before the war began. So many weapons have been deployed in this war, and among them: confusion and obfuscation.


In the past several months and more so in the past few weeks, we have been getting
testimony after testimony from allied Amhara forces fighting the TPLF that Tigrayan residents of cities in Wollo have been collaborating with the TPLF by a) attacking ENDF and allied forces from behind; b) forcing ENDF and allied forces to withdraw from towns and cities afraid of committing large scale massacres by firing back at the civilians (Tigrayans) firing at them; c) helping the TPLF locate and execute young Amharas believed to be a threat; and d) in at least one horrifying account by an IDP who managed to escape occupied territories, handing TPLF soldiers a list of women to rape. Another shocking development in the past several months has been the widespread use of child soldiers by the TPLF, which, according to experts who have studied the practice, is an “alarm bell” calling attention to possible plans to commit mass atrocities. The use of child soldiers by the TPLF and its attendant implications, along with the widespread deployment of civilian sleeper agents in Amhara cities the TPLF has taken over, serves to create an overall perception of every Tigrayan as a potential enemy, sowing fear and mistrust.

Many Ethiopians are looking at this and wondering: why are Tigrayan elites on the internet
either celebrating the TPLF’s advance via these toxic methods or silent about all this? How can they not see how dangerous this is for everyone, especially for Tigrayans who live outside Tigray? How can they not see that there is no “winning” after stoking all this lasting animosity? Do Tigrayan elites not understand that there can be no justice for Tigray—whether Tigray secedes or not—unless there is justice for her neighbors, for Tigray does not exist in a vacuum? The questions are being asked but nobody is answering them. Our academic class has largely failed to offer viable analyses of the ideas driving this war, as they failed over the past fifty years in regards to coming up with a fitting paradigm for understanding Ethiopia’s unique situation.


Here is my humble attempt to explain what I think is happening with the TPLF’s obsession
with—and with its active attempt to inspire—genocide:


The most successful psychopaths in any field understand that, in order to win anything, one
must risk everything, including the very thing one is supposedly fighting for. In the case of the
TPLF (and associated Tigrayan political elites), whose motto appears to be “give me supremacy or give me death,” that “everything” they are risking is the lives of ordinary Tigrayans in whose names they are fighting. We have seen over the past several months the extent to which the TPLF is willing to go to sacrifice ordinary Tigrayans in order to get what it wants: wave after wave after wave of young poorly armed and inexperienced Tigrayans were unleashed upon ENDF and Amhara and Afar forces in order to force the latter to waste ammunition and energy before the more experienced soldiers are sent.


So, for a political group who sends tens of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands, of
young Tigrayans towards open fire, violence against hundreds of thousands of Tigrayans is nothing if it means the TPLF will in the end win the “prize” it has been obsessed with for decades: genocide. You see, merely attaining power in Addis Ababa is not enough for the TPLF, whose core driving ideology is Tigrayan supremacy. Power is temporary; anybody can take it away from you, and the 2018 uprisings demonstrated that. Genocide is forever. Nobody can take away from you the story of genocide committed against your people.


The TPLF looked at countries like Israel and Rwanda and realized what a potent instrument
genocide is for establishing perpetual minority rule. We have some indications suggesting that the TPLF views Israel as a model. When the war between Ethiopia and the TPLF began in November 2020, Sekoutoure Getachew, a TPLF official, went on TV to tell us that the TPLF’s decision to launch a preemptive attack on the Northern Command was inspired by how the young state of Israel, feeling threatened by her neighbors, launched preemptive attacks against them in the “six-day war” of 1967. Another indication is the manner in which the TPLF, during its 27 years in power, invested heavily in creating a wealthy and strongly networked Tigrayan diaspora which has been used to lobby and influence western governments and organizations much in the same way as the Jewish diaspora aids the state of Israel. The TPLF has figured out that truth does not matter in politics, especially in international politics. If you have the wealth and the personnel to peddle your preferred narrative, if you have the military power to subdue the people you want to subdue, if you are willing to make concessions to external forces (US, Egypt, etc), you can do unspeakable things to others (much like the state of Israel does to Palestinians) and still manage to portray yourself as the victim.
This calculation is so far working for the TPLF, but nothing would seal the deal like the actual
commission of genocide—or something that looks like it—against Tigrayans. As we have seen over the past twelve months, western governments and organizations have shown their willingness to adopt TPLF’s narratives without scrutiny and can easily reward the TPLF with its much pursued prize, genocide, even if actual genocide doesn’t take place.


But why does the TPLF need genocide to establish minority rule? Because, as we saw in their
first tenure in power, you can only rule with an iron fist for a limited period of time. Leaders of the TPLF are adherents of Tigrayan supremacy: the idea that Tigrayans, as the “only” heirs of the Axumite empire, are the natural rulers of the Ethiopian state, and cannot be ruled by “barbarians” south of them. The only acceptable power arrangement for the TPLF is one in which Tigrayans are either directly dominating political power or are the perpetual kingmakers pulling all the major strings. Anything outside that, any system that forces Tigrayans to live on equal footing with everyone else, is unacceptable. And this kind of domination by a minority cannot coexist with a democratic system that the majority of Ethiopians clearly prefer. So, the TPLF needs something more potent than pure political/economic/military power to justify bypassing democracy to establish itself as the permanent ruler/kingmaker of Ethiopia. It needs a new and powerful raison d’être to justify its domination not just to Tigrayans and the rest of Ethiopians but, and most importantly, to the rest of the world. If a genocide were to be committed against Tigrayans (or if the U.S. decides to reward the TPLF with the genocide label even in the absence of it), then the TPLF can license itself to impose all manner of drastic measures aimed at “protecting Tigray and
Tigrayans.” This could be anything from redrawing internal borders (and taking debilitating
measures against the peoples whose lands are being robbed—most likely Amharas and Afaris—so that they will never be in a position to assert themselves) to ethnic cleansing and genocide against populations considered to be a threat. And when you oppose it, the TPLF will say “you committed a genocide against Tigrayans” over and over and over, and its western backers will repeat the same chorus. If they have been this loud over a non-existent genocide over the past twelve months, just imagine what it would be like if the U.S. or UN rewards them with that label.


And this is where the Ethiopian government’s major dilemma comes from: if ENDF and
Amhara forces fight to regain their cities and towns, they risk committing large scale massacres. The TPLF networks reported to be operating within these cities wear civilian clothing and fire at the armies from inside civilian establishments, in an apparent attempt to set up pro-Ethiopia forces. Pro-Ethiopia forces are essentially being dared to commit large scale massacres in order to win back their own cities. So far, they are choosing to withdraw from these towns and cities. But that is another problem: not only is the TPLF committing unspeakable violence against civilians and destroying infrastructure in those cities, the takeovers are emboldening it to continue pressing, giving young people back in Tigray false hope that they are winning and—this is very important—the false idea that they are being “welcomed” by locals in those cities. Then more and more and more young Tigrayans are sent to their deaths.


So the Ethiopian government is stuck between a rock and a hard place. One option is
allowing its forces to do whatever it takes to take back territory, thereby offering protection to its citizens in Wollo and elsewhere, but also risking the “genocide” label by western governments who have been eagerly waiting for such an opportunity so that they can blackmail the government into submitting itself to their wishes on GERD and other issues. Option two is avoiding large scale violence and allowing the TPLF to take power in Addis Ababa and do to Ethiopia what it wishes. One of the things it might do to Ethiopia, according to its leaked strategy document, is force a confederation that will no doubt privilege some states, i.e. Tigray, more than others, and that will no doubt be designed to subdue some populations—mainly Amharas and Afaris—who are considered obstacles to Tigray’s aspirations of domination and expansion (in the TPLF’s original manifesto, Afar is claimed as Tigray land).


And there is absolutely no doubt that the TPLF will make big concessions on the GERD in
order to compensate its western and Egyptian backers, if not redraw borders to make Benishangul Gumuz Tigrayan territory. If you think this is wild, read about the history of the state of Israel, the TPLF’s model state. The redrawing of borders that the TPLF undertook in 1991 was also wild at the time; people don’t think of it as outrageous anymore because the fact that they held onto the territory for 30 years has normalized the event in our minds. And that’s all the TPLF needs: another thirty years to normalize all the outrageous things they will do next.

One may argue that this is a false dichotomy, that there is a third or even maybe fourth option: winning these cities back without mass violence much in the same way the ENDF managed to do during its first campaign in Tigray. We all should pray for such a miracle, of course. However, one can also say that in the early days of the war, the TPLF was mostly withdrawing from Tigrayan cities to avoid urban warfare. And even when they engaged in urban warfare, it was not at the same scale and intensity as has been the case over the past four and half months or so. Starting in mid June, the TPLF’s use of civilians as human shields and fighters stopped being just another weapon in its arsenal and became a center of its operations. The near collapse of the ENDF inside Tigray right before its withdrawal was precipitated by the TPLF’s intensified use of “civilians” to trap the ENDF. Many ENDF soldiers chose to surrender rather than fire at those “civilians.” It is still possible to avoid large scale violence in the attempt to retake towns in Wollo, but the risk for it is very high, and is possibly behind the federal government’s reluctance to take decisive actions.


The point is: barring miracles, the Ethiopian government is positioned to lose something
one way or another. All that is left is choosing its preferred poison. Perhaps one thing to consider for the federal government is: the rights of Amharas and Afaris to defend themselves against the existential threats posed against them by the TPLF is much bigger than the national government’s concerns about its place and relationships with the rest of the world. If the federal government decides to risk the disintegration of Ethiopia, like it has done so far either due to incompetence or severe fear of committing large scale violence, that is fine for the federal government. But when you allow that disintegration to happen, please don’t leave the people of Amhara and Afar in a vulnerable position, unable to defend themselves and their lands. If we must return to the State of Nature, at least give these two peoples, who have so far shed more blood than anyone else in defense of their country, a chance to preserve their lives and their lands. Give them the resources they need to defend themselves before it is too late for them even if you feel it is too late for Ethiopia. Anything less is just a continuation of the gross criminal negligence that the federal government has been guilty of so far.

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የቶኪዮ 2020 ኦሊምፒክ የኢትዮጵያ የአትሌቲክስ ተሳትፎ ድህረ ምልከታ

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በቶኪዮ 2020 ኦሊምፒክ በወረቀት ደረጃ ከውድድሩ መጀመር በፊት ቡድኑ ባመዛኙ በጥሩ ብቃት ላይ የሚገኙ ወጣት አትሌቶችን ስላካተተ ቢያንስ የለመድናቸውን ሁለት ወይም ሶስት የወርቅ ሜዳልያ ድሎች እንደማያሳጣን ተስፋ አድርጌ ነበር፡፡ ሆኖም የሜዳ ላይ ውጤቱ እንደተጠበቀው ሳይሆን ቀርቷል፡፡ ኢትዮጵያ በውጤታማነቷ በምትታወቅበት የአትሌቲክስ ፉክክር በአንድ የወርቅ፣ አንድ የብር፣ እና ሁለት የነሐስ በድምሩ በአራት ሜዳልያዎች ከዓለም 14ኛ ከአፍሪካ 3ኛ ደረጃን ይዛ ጨርሳለች፡፡ ይህም ሁሌም ለአፍሪካ የበላይነት ከምንፎካከራት ኬንያ ጋር ያለን ልዩነት ይበልጥ እንዲሰፋ አድጎታል፡፡ ከቅርብ ግዜ ወዲህ ሌላኛዋ የምስራቅ አፍሪካ ተቀናቃኛችን እየሆነች ከመጣችው ኡጋንዳም አንሰን እንድንገኝ አድርጎናል፡፡ የቶኪዮ ኦሊምፒክ በአትሌቲክሱ ከ1992ቱ የባርሴሎና ኦሊምፒክ ወዲህ ኢትዮጵያ ዝቅተኛ የሜዳልያ ስኬት ያስመዘገበችበትም ሆኖ አልፏል፡፡

አሉታዊ ጎኖች
ቶኪዮ የኢትዮጵያ አትሌቲክስ ውጤታማነት ፈር ቀዳጅ የሆነው ታላቁ አትሌት ሻምበል አበበ ቢቂላ በ1964 ዓ.ም. በተከታታይ ሁለተኛ የኦሊምፒክ ማራቶን ድሉን የተቀዳጀባት ከተማ ናት፡፡ እናም በቶኪዮ ከተማ በተከናወነው የኦሊምፒክ ውድድር የኢትዮጵያ ልዑካን ቡድን የሱን ክብር የሚያጎሉባቸውን ነገሮች ያደርጋሉ ብዬ ጠብቄ ነበር፡፡ የሆኑት ነገሮች ግን በተለይ በቡድኑ አስተዳዳሪዎች በኩል ፍፁም ኃላፊነት የጎደለውና ከጠበቅኩት በተቃራኒው ነበር፡፡ የኢትዮጵያ አትሌቲክስ ፌዴሬሽን እና የኢትዮጵያ ኦሊምፒክ ኮሚቴ ከአትሌቶች ምርጫ አንስቶ በቡድኑ የዝግጅት ወቅት በተካረረ ውዝግብ ውስጥ ነበር የከረሙት፡፡ የኦሊምፒክ ቡድኑን የማዘጋጀት እና የመምራት የጋራ ኃላፊነት የነበረባቸው ሁለቱ አካላት ይባስ ብለው ውዝግቡን ቶኪዮ ድረስ ይዘውት ሄደዋል፡፡ ይህ ሁሉ ሲሆን ሁለቱን አካላት በማቀራረብ በትልቁ ውድድር ላይ ያለንን ተሳትፎ እንከን አልባ ማድግ የሚጠበቅባቸውም ተመልካች ከመሆን የዘለለ ሚና አልነበራቸውም። የውዝግቡ አሉታዊ ትሩፋት በአትሌቶች ስነልቦና እና በአጠቃላይ የቡድኑ ውጤት ላይ የበኩሉን ተፅዕኖ ሳያሳርፍ እንዳላለፈ አያጠራጥርም፡፡

እንደ አለመታደል ሆኖ በቶኪዮ ኦሎምፒክ የኢትዮጵያን ልዑካን የመምራት ትልቁ ኃላፊነት የተሰጣቸው ሰዎች ኃላፊነት የጎደላቸው ነበሩ። የስፖርቱ አስተዳደሪዎች ትላልቅ ዓለም አቀፍ ውድድሮች በመጡ ቁጥር በአትሌቶች ምርጫ ዙሪያ የነበረውን ውዝግብ እንዲያቆሙልን እመኝ ነበር። ጭራሽ እራሳቸው ችግር ፈጣሪ ሆነው መገኘታቸው አስደንጋጭ እና አሳሳቢ ጉዳይ ነው፡፡ በመሮጫ መም ወይም በጎዳና ላይ በሚደረጉ ውድድሮች መሸነፍን በስፖርቱ ውስጥ ማሸነፍ እና መሸነፍ ያሉ የነበሩ እና ወደፊትም የሚኖሩ ነገሮች ስለሆኑ በፀጋ መቀበል ይቻላል፡፡ ተወዳዳሪዎቹ ውጤታማ እንዲሆኑ የስነልቦና ጥንካሬን ሊፈጥሩላቸው የሚገቡ ኃላፊዎች የእርስ በርስ ሽኩቻ ተቃራኒውን አሉታዊ ተፅዕኖ ሲያሳርፍ ማየት ግን ፍፁም ተቀባይነት የለውም፡፡ ለነገሩ ከስፖርቱ እድገት ይልቅ የፖለቲካ ግዴታቸው የሚያስጨንቃቸው የስፖርት አመራሮች በበዙባት ሀገር ስፖርቱ እንዲህ የማንም መጫወቻ ሲሆን ማየት አዲስ ነገር አይደለም፡፡  

የስፖርት አመራሮች ከፖለቲካ ተፅዕኖ ነፃ ሆነው ትኩረታቸውን ስፖርቱን በማስፋፋቱ እና ማሳደጉ ላይ አድርገው የሚሰሩ ስለስፖርቱም በቂ እውቀት እና ፍቅሩ ያላቸው ቢሆኑ መልካም ነው፡፡ ለቦታው በሚመጥን እና ኃላፊነቱን በአግባቡ መወጣት በሚችል የስፖርት አመራር የሚመራ የስፖርት ተቋምን መገንባት በተመሳሳይ ሰዓት የሀገር ግንባታን የሚደግፉ ሶስት ነገሮችን ስኬታማ ያደርጋል፡፡ በስፖርት ጤናውን የሚጠብቅ ማሕበረሰብ በመፍጠር በጤናው ሴክተር ላይ የሚኖረውን ጫና ይቀንሳል፣ በሀገር ገፅታ ግንባታ እና በኢኮኖሚው ዕድገት ላይም የበኩሉን ከፍተኛ አስተዋፅኦ ያደርጋል፡፡ በቶኪዮ ላይ የተመለከትናቸው የሀገርን ክብር ዝቅ ያደረጉ ግዴለሽነቶች ተገቢው ትኩረት ተሰጥቷቸው ሊታዩና አጥፊዎቹ ሊጠየቁበት ይገባል፡፡ በመጪዎቹ ዓመታት በሚጠብቁን ዓለም አቀፍ ውድድሮች ላይም የቶኪዮ ኦሊምፒኩን አይነት ሀፍረት እንዳይገጥመን ከወዲሁ ለችግሮቹ መፍትሔ መፈለግ አለበት፡፡

ባለፉት ዓመታት ኦሊምፒክ በመጣ ቁጥር በልዑካን ቡድኑ ውስጥ እየተካተቱ በሕዝብ ገንዘብ የሚዝናኑት የኦሊምፒክ ቱሪስቶች ጉዳይ ዘንድሮም ያልተቀረፈ ችግር ሆኖ ተስተውሏል፡፡ ከሌላው ግዜ በተለየ መልኩ ተጠባባቂ አትሌቶችን ይዞ መጓዝ ይጠይቅ በነበረው ውድድር ላይ አትሌቶቹን ትቶ ምንም የማይሰሩ ሰዎችን ይዞ መሄድ ትልቅ ቀልድ ነው፡፡  

ከሜዳ ውጭ የነበረው ውዝግብ ዋነኛ የትኩረት ማዕከል የነበረ መሆኑ በሜዳ ላይ የነበሩብንን ድክመቶች ሊያስረሳንም አይገባም፡፡ ስድስት የጎዳና ላይ ተወዳደሪዎቻችን እና አንድ የመም ተወዳዳሪ ውድድራቸውን ማቋረጣቸው በቶኪዮ ከታዩት ደካማ ጎኖቻችን መካከል የሚጠቀስ ነው፡፡ ችግሩ በዚህ ምክንያት ነው የተከሰተው ብሎ ለይቶ ለመናገር ባይቻልም ብዙ ግዜ ሲፈትነን ለሚስተዋለው የሞቃታማ ቦታ ውድድር የምናደርጋቸው ዝግጅቶችን መለስ ብሎ መመልከትን የሚጠይቅ ይመስለኛል፡፡ የተጎዳች አትሌትን ወደውድድር እንድትገባ ማድረግ እና በሁለት ደቂቃ ውስጥ ለማቋረጥ መገደዷም የአትሌቶች የጤና ክትትል ላይ ክፍተት እንዳለ የጠቆመን ክስተት ነው፡፡

የኢትዮጵያ ኦሊምፒክ ቡድን ወደውድድር ስፍራው ካቀናበት ግዜ ጀምሮ በቶኪዮ ምንም አይነት ቡድኑን የተመለከቱ ይፋዊ ጋዜጣዊ መግለጫዎች ወይም ፕሬስ ሪሊዞች አልነበሩም፡፡ ይህም እንደተለመደው የሕብረተሰቡን እና የመገናኛ ብዙሀንን ስለቡድኑ ቀጥተኛ መረጃ የማግኘት መብት የገደበ ነበር፡፡ ጋዜጠኞችም ሚዛናዊ ሆኖ ከመዘገብ ይልቅ ጎራ ለይተው ቃላት መወራወራቸው የህዝብን ትክክለኛ መረጃ የማግኘት መብት የነፈገ ነው፡፡ 

አዎንታዊ ጎኖች
ሰለሞን ባረጋ በወንዶች 10,000 ሜትር ወርቅ፣ ለሜቻ ግርማ በወንዶች 3000 ሜትር መሰናክል ብር፣ ጉዳፍ ፀጋዬ በሴቶች 5000 ሜትር ነሐስ፣ እና ለተሰንበት ግደይ በሴቶች 10,000 ሜትር ነሐስ ማስመዝገብ መቻላቸው የሚደነቅ ስኬት ነው፡፡

የመጪው ትውልድ አካል የሆኑት ተስፈኞቹ መቅደስ አበበ፣ ፍሬወይኒ ሀይሉ፣ በሪሁ አረጋዊ እና ጌትነት ዋለን ጨምሮ አምስት አትሌቶች ለሜዳሊያ የቀረበ የአራተኛነት ደረጃን ይዘው ማጠናቀቅ መቻላቸውም መልካም ነው፡፡ በተለይ ወጣቶቹ ያስመዘገቡት ውጤት በመጪዎቹ ዓመታት ተገቢውን ድጋፍ ካገኙ የምንጓጓለትን ድል ሊያስገኙልን እንደሚችሉ ያመላከተን ነው፡፡

የሀብታም አለሙ በኢትዮጵያ የኦሊምፒክ ተሳትፎ ታሪክ በሴቶች 800 ሜትር ለመጀመሪያ ግዜ ለፍፃሜ ተወዳዳሪነት መብቃት ምንም እንኳ በፍፃሜው የሜዳልያ ድል ባይቀናትም በአዎንታዊ ጎን ሊጠቀስ የሚችል ስኬት ነው፡፡

ከአንደኛ እስከ ስምንተኛ ደረጃን ይዘው ላጠናቀቁ አትሌቶች በሚሰጥ ነጥብ ድምር መሰረት በወጣው የነጥብ (ፕሌስመንት) ደረጃ ሰንጠረዥ ላይ በ64 ነጥብ ዘጠነኛ ሆነን ማጠናቀቃችንም እሰየው የሚያስብል ነው፡፡

በቶኪዮ ኦሊምፒክ ከአራተኛ እስከ ስምንተኛ ባሉት ደረጃዎች ውስጥ አጠናቀው ነጥብ ያስገኙ እና የዲፕሎማ ተሸላሚ የሆኑት አትሌቶች፡-
4ኛ – ፍሬወይኒ ሀይሉ – በሴቶች 1500 ሜትር
4ኛ – መቅደስ አበበ – በሴቶች 3000 ሜትር መሰናክል
4ኛ – ሮዛ ደረጀ – በሴቶች ማራቶን
4ኛ – በሪሁ አረጋዊ – በወንዶች 10,000 ሜትር
4ኛ – ጌትነት ዋለ – በወንዶች 3000 ሜትር መሰናክል
5ኛ – እጅጋየሁ ታዬ – በሴቶች 5000 ሜትር
6ኛ – ሀብታም አለሙ – በሴቶች 800 ሜትር
6ኛ – ሰንበሬ ተፈሪ – በሴቶች 5000 ሜትር
8ኛ – ዮሚፍ ቀጄልቻ – በወንዶች 10,000 ሜትር
8ኛ – ዘርፌ ወንድማገኝ – በሴቶች 3000 ሜትር መሰናክል

  • የአትሌቲክስ የነጥብ ደረጃ ሰንጠረዥ ከአንደኛ እስከ ስምንተኛ ባሉት ደረጃዎች ውስጥ የሚያጠናቅቁ አትሌቶች በሚያስመዘግቡት ነጥብ ድምር መሰረት የሚወጣ ሲሆን የነጥብ አሰጣጡም ለአንደኛ ደረጃ 8 ነጥብ፣ ለሁለተኛ ደረጃ 7 ነጥብ፣ ለሶስተኛ ደረጃ 6 ነጥብ፣ ለአራተኛ ደረጃ 5 ነጥብ፣ ለአምስተኛ ደረጃ 4 ነጥብ፣ ለስድስተኛ ደረጃ 3 ነጥብ፣ ለሰባተኛ ደረጃ 2 ነጥብ፣ እና ለስምንተኛ ደረጃ 1 ነጥብ ነው።

ከፊታችን ምን  እየጠበቀን ነው? ምንስ እናድርግ?
ባለፈው ዓመት በዓለም አቀፉ ወረርሺኝ ምክንያት ትልልቅ ዓለም አቀፍ ውድድሮች ለሌላ ግዜ እንዲተላለፉ መደረጉ ይታወቃል፡፡ ሌላ አስገዳጅ ሁኔታ ካልተፈጠረ በስተቀር ቀጣዮቹ አራት ዓመታት በተከታታይ በየዓመቱ ዓለም አቀፍ የአትሌቲክስ ውድድሮች የሚካሄዱባቸው ይሆናሉ፡፡ በ2022 የዓለም ሻምፒዮና፣ በ2023 የዓለም ሻምፒዮና፣ በ2024 የኦሊምፒክ ጨዋታዎች፣ እና በ2025 የዓለም ሻምፒዮና ውድድሮች ይኖራሉ፡፡ በቀጣዩ ዓመት በኢትዮጵያ የቀን አቆጣጠር ከሐምሌ 8 – 17/2014 በዩናይትድ ስቴትስ ኦሪጎን የሚካሄደው የዓለም አትሌቲክስ ሻምፒዮና አዘጋጆች ሙሉ የውድድሩን ፕሮግራም፣ የማራቶን እና የእርምጃ ውድድሮች የሚካሄዱባቸውን ቦታዎች በትላንትናው ዕለት ይፋ አድርገዋል፡፡ የዓለም ሻምፒዮናውን ውድድር በኃላፊነት የሚመራው የኢትዮጵያ አትሌቲክስ ፌዴሬሽንም ከወዲሁ ለዛ ውድድር ተሳትፎ የሚጠበቅበትን አቅዶ መንቀሳቀስ ይኖበርታል፡፡

ከምርጫ ጋር በተያያዘ የሚነሱ ጭቅጭቆችን ለማስቀረት ከወዲሁ ሁሉም አትሌቶች አውቀውት በውስጡ የሚያልፉበትን ገዢ የሆነ የመምረጫ መስፈርት ማዘጋጀት ቀዳሚው ተግባር መሆን አለበት፡፡ የመምረጫ መስፈርት ሁልግዜም በግላዊ ምልከታ እና ፍላጎቶች ላይ በሚመሰረት ምክንያት አነጋጋሪ መሆኑ የማይቀር ነው፡፡ ቢሆንም ባለድርሻ አካላቱን በሙሉ ባሳተፈ መልኩ ውይይት ተደርጎበት ቢወጣ ሁሉንም ገዢ እና ከጭቅጭቅ የፀዳ ሊሆን ይችላል፡፡ እዚህ ላይ በቶኪዮ ኦሊምፒክ ከተከሰቱት ሁኔታዎች አንፃር የሌሎች ሀገሮችንም ተሞክሮዎች በመዳሰስ ነገሩን ሰፋ አድርጎ መመልከት ቢቻል ጥሩ ነው፡፡ ትልልቅ ውድድሮች በመጡ ቁጥር በተደጋጋሚ እንደታዘብነው አንዳንድ አትሌቶች በቡድኑ ውስጥ ለመካተት የሚያደርጉትን ተገቢ ያልሆነ ሙከራም ማቆም አለባቸው፡፡ ከፋም ለማም ስፖርቱን እንዲመራ ኃላፊነት የተሰጠው ተቋም የሚያወጣቸውን መስፈርቶች ማክበርና በዛ ውስጥ ተመራጭ ለመሆን መሞከር ግድ እንደሚላቸውም መዘንጋት የለባቸውም፡፡ ማኔጀሮች እና አሰልጣኞች በተለይ በማራቶን የራሳቸውን አትሌት ለማስመረጥ የሚያደርጓቸው አላስፈላጊ ግፊቶችም ሊያቆሙ ይገባል፡፡

ለውድድሮች የምናደርጋቸውን ዝግጅቶች ጠንካራ እና ደካማ ጎኖች ከውድድሮች በኋላ መገምገም እና መታረም ያለባቸው ነገሮች ካሉ ማረም፡፡ ከፍተኛ ሙቀት በነበረባቸው በለንደን 2012 ኦሊምፒክ ሶስቱም የወንዶች ማራቶን ተወዳዳሪዎቻችን፣ በሞስኮ 2013 የዓለም ሻምፒዮና ሁለቱ የሴቶች ማራቶን ተወዳዳሪዎቻችን፣ በቶኪዮ ኦሊምፒክ ላይ አምስት የማራቶን (ሶስቱም ወንዶች እና ሁለት ሴቶች) ተወዳዳሪዎቻችን እንዲሁም የሴቶች እርምጃ ተወዳዳሪያችን ለማቋረጥ መገደዳቸውን አስተውለናል፡፡ ስለዚህ በጎዳና ላይ ውድድሮች ከባድ ሙቀት ለሚኖርባቸው ቦታዎች እንዴት መዘጋጀት አለብን የሚለው ጉዳይም በደንብ ሊታይ የሚገባው ይመስለኛል፡፡ አንዳንድ የመም (ትራክ) ተወዳዳሪ አትሌቶቻችን የውድድር ዓመቱ ሲጀምር ድንቅ ብቃታቸውን ያሳዩን እና ወደትልቅ ውድድር ሲቃረቡ አቋማቸው እየወረደ ይመጣል፡፡ አሰልጣኞቻቸው ለእነዚህ አይነቶቹ አትሌቶች ወደትልቅ ውድድር ሲቃረቡ ብቃታቸውን እያሳደጉ እንዲሄዱ የሚረዳቸውን የልምምድ ፕሮግራም ቢያዘጋጁላቸው መልካም ነው፡፡ በመካከለኛ ርቀት ውድድሮች ላይ በተለይ በወንዶች አሁንም በከፍተኛ ደረጃ የሚፎካከሩ አትሌቶችን ለማፍራት ጠንክረን መስራት ይጠበቅብናል፡፡

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የኢትዮጵያውያን አትሌቶች የቶኪዮ ኦሊምፒክ የአትሌቲክስ ማጣሪያ ውድድሮች የመጀመሪያ ሁለት ቀናት

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በሴቶች 5000 ሜትር የፍፃሜ ውድድር ላይ የሚፎካከሩት ኢትዮጵያውያን አትሌቶች

በቶኪዮ ኦሊምፒክ የመጀመሪያዎቹ ሁለት ቀናት የኢትዮጵያ አትሌቶች የተሳተፉባቸው የወንዶች 3000 ሜትር መሰናክል፣ 800 ሜትር በሁለቱም ፆታዎች፣ እንዲሁም የሴቶች 5000 ሜትር ማጣሪያዎች ሌላኛዎቹ የኢትዮጵያውያን የትኩረት ማዕከል የነበሩ ውድድሮች ናቸው፡፡ ቀጣዩ ዘገባ የኢትዮጵያውያኑን የማጣሪያ ውድድሮች ተሳትፎ እና ውጤቶች አንዲሁም ተጨማሪ መረጃዎችን ይዟል፡፡

የወንዶች 3000 ሜትር መሰናክል

በአትሌቲክስ ውድድሩ የመክፈቻ ቀን (ዓርብ ሐምሌ 23/2013) ጠዋት ላይ በተካሄደው የወንዶች 3000 ሜትር መሰናክል ማጣሪያ ከተሳተፉት ሶስት ኢትዮጵያውያን አትሌቶች መካከል ከምድብ አንድ ለሜቻ ግርማ (8፡09.83) በአንደኛነት፣ ከምድብ ሁለት ጌትነት ዋለ (8፡12.55) በሁለተኛነት ለፍፃሜው ሲያልፉ በምድብ ሶስት የተወዳደረው ታደሰ ታከለ (8፡24.69) ስምንተኛ ወጥቶ ለፍፃሜው ሳያልፍ ቀርቷል፡፡ ለሜቻ ጃፓናዊው ሚዩራ ዩጂን እና ኬንያዊው ቤንጃሚን ኪይገንን በማስከተል ከምድቡ ያሸነፈበት 8:09.83 በኦሊምፒክ የማጣሪያ ውድድሮች ላይ የተመዘገበ የምንግዜውም ፈጣን ሰዓት ሆኗል፡፡ የወንዶች 3000 ሜትር መሰናክል የፍፃሜ የሜዳልያ ፉክክር በዋናነት በኬንያውኑ ቤንጃሚን ኪገን እና አብራሀም ኪቢዎት፣ በኢትዮጵያውያኑ ለሜቻ ግርማ እና ጌትነት ዋለ እንዲሁም በሞሮኳዊው ሶፊያን ኤል ባካሊ መካከል እንደሚሆን ይጠበቃል፡፡

ኢትዮጵያ በወንዶች 3000 ሜትር መሰናክል በ1980ው የሞስኮ ኦሊምፒክ በሻምበል እሸቱ ቱራ አማካይነት ካስመዘገበችው የነሐስ ሜልያ ድል ወዲህ በርቀቱ በወንዶች ምንም አይነት የኦሊምፒክ ሜዳልያ ድል የላትም፡፡ ሆኖም ከቅርብ ግዜ ወዲህ እየታዩ የመጡ መሻሻሎች እና በዶሀው የዓለም ሻምፒዮና ላይ የተመዘገበው የብር ሜዳልያ ድል በቶኪዮም ሌላ ሜዳልያን ተስፋ እንድናደርግ ያነሳሳን ሆኗል፡፡ ዘግይቶ የተሰላፊ አትሌቶች ለውጥ ከተደረገባቸው ርቀቶች አንዱ በሆነው የወንዶች 3000 ሜትር መሰናክል በተጠባባቂነት የተመዘገበውና በዋናነት በ5000 ሜትር እንደሚወዳደር ይጠበቅ የነበረው ጌትነት ዋለ ወደመጀመሪያ ተሰላፊነት የመጣ ሲሆን ኃይለማሪም አማረ በመጨረሻ ሰዓት በለሜቻ ግርማ መተካቱም አነጋጋሪ የሆነ ሌላኛው ለውጥ ነው፡፡ ጌትነት በ3000 ሜትር መሰናክልም ጠንካራ ተፎካካሪ አትሌት ሲሆን በዶሀ የዓለም ሻምፒዮና ላይ አራተኛ ሆኖ ማጠናቀቅ ችሏል፡፡ በፍፃሜው ውድድር በ2019 የርቀቱ የዳይመንድ ሊግ ሻምፒዮን ጌትነት ዋለ እና በወቅቱ የዓለም ሻምፒዮና የብር ሜዳሊስት ለሜቻ ግርማ የሚወከለው የኢትዮጵያ ቡድን በቶኪዮ የኬንያውያኑን የበላይነት ለመግታትና አዲስ የስኬት ታሪክ ለማፃፍ እንደሚበቃ ተስፋ ተጥሎበታል፡፡                     

በ1984 በሎስ አንጀለስ ከተከናወነው የኦሊምፒክ ውድድር አንስቶ በተከታታይ በዘጠኝ የኦሊምፒክ ውድድሮች ወይም ላለፉት 36 ዓመታት የኦሊምፒክ የወንዶች 3000 ሜትር መሰናክል የወርቅ ሜዳልያ ድል በኬንያውያን ቁጥጥር ስር ይገኛል፡፡ በዓለም ሻምፒዮናም ተመሳሳይ የበላይነት ያላቸው ኬንያውያን ከ17 የዓለም ሻምፒዮና ውድድሮች በ14ቱ የወርቅ ሜዳልያው አሸናፊዎች ናቸው፡፡ ሆኖም ከሁለት ዓመት በፊት በዶሀው የዓለም ሻምፒዮና ላይ ከኢትዮጵያውያን እና ከሞሮኮ አትሌቶች የገጠማቸው ተግዳሮት ለመሸነፍ እጅግ አቅርቧቸው የነበረ መሆኑ አይዘነጋም፡፡ በአንድ ማይክሮ ሰከንድ ልዩነት አሸናፊነታቸውን ባረጋገጡበት በዶሀው ውድድር የተፈታተኗቸው ኢትዮጵያዊው ለሜቻ ግርማ እና ሞሮኳዊው ሶፊያን ኤል ባካሊ በቶኪዮው ፍፃሜ ለሌላ ብርቱ ፉክክር እየጠበቋቸው ይገኛሉ፡፡ ባለፉት ሁለት የዓለም ሻምፒዮናዎች በቅደም ተከተል የብር እና የነሐስ ሜዳልያን ያገኘው ሞሮኳዊው ሶፊያን ኤል ባካሊ በቶኪዮ ከሚወዳደሩት በሙሉ የላቀና 7፡58.15 የሆነ የራሱ ምርጥ ሰዓት ያለው ነው፡፡

ኬንያ በቶኪዮ ያለፈው ውድድር ሻምፒዮንነቱን ክብር የሚያስጠብቅላትን አትሌት ይዛ መቅረብ ሳትችል ቀርታለች፡፡ ከአምስት ዓመት በፊት በሪዮ የኦሊምፒክ እንዲሁም ከሁለት ዓመት በፊት በዶሀ የዓለም ሻምፒዮን የሆነው ኮንሰስለስ ኪፕሩቶ ባለፈው ወር በኬንያ የኦሊምፒክ ምርጫ ውድድር ላይ ውድድሩን ባለማጠናቀቁ የኦሊምፒክ ሻምፒዮንነት ክብሩን ለማስጠበቅ በቶኪዮ አልተገኘም፡፡ ስለዚህ አሁን የረጅም ግዜ የበላይነታቸውን የማስጠበቅ ኃላፊነቱ በ2019ኙ የዶሀ የዓለም ሻምፒዮና ላይ በቅደም ተከተል ስድስተኛ እና ሰባተኛ ሆነው ባጠናቀቁት ቤንጃሚን ኪገን እና አብራሀም ኪቢዎት ላይ ወድቋል፡፡  

የሴቶች 800 ሜትር

ከአትሌቲክሱ የጀመሪያ ቀን የጠዋት መርሀግብሮች አንዱ በነበረው የሴቶች 800 ሜትር ማጣሪያ በምድብ ሶስት በአሜሪካዊቷ አቲንግ ሙ ተቀድማ በ2 ደቂቃ ከ01.20 ሰከንድ ሁለተኛ የወጣችው ሀብታም አለሙ ለግማሽ ፍፃሜው ያለፈች ሲሆን በሁለተኛው ቀን ምሽት ላይ በተካሄደው የግማሽ ፍፃሜ ውድድር ላይም በአሜሪካዊቷ አቲንግ ሙ ተቀድማ በ1:58.40 ሁለተኛ በመሆን በኦሊምፒክ የውድድር ታሪክ ለመጀመሪያ ግዜ በርቀቱ ለፍፃሜ ውድድር የበቃች ኢትዮጵያዊት ሆናለች፡፡ ሀብታም ከውድድሩ በኋላ በቶኪዮ ለሚገኘው ባልደረባችን አብይ ወንድይፍራው በሰጠችው አጭር ቃል ‹‹ውድድሩ ትንሽ ፈታኝ ነበር ነገር ግን ለሀገሬ ስል ያለኝን አቅም ሁሉ ተጠቅሜያለሁ፡፡ ክብሩ ይስፋ ለመድኃኒዓለም በመጨረሻም አሪፍ ውጤት ላይ ደርሻለሁ፡፡ ለኦሊምፒክ የፍፃሜ ውድድር ሳልፍ የመጀመሪያዬ ነው፡፡ ከዚህ በፊትም ከኢትዮጵያ ለፍፃሜ የደረሰ ያለ አይመስለኝም እና አሁንም መጨረሻዬን ያሳምርልኝ ነው የምለው›› ብላለች፡፡  

በሴቶች 800 ሜትር የመጀመሪያ ዙር ማጣሪያ በምድብ አራት በ2.01.98 አራተኛ ሆና ያጠናቀቀችው ነፃነት ደስታ ወደ ግማሽ ፍፃሜው መቀላቀል ሳትችል ስትቀር በጀማሪዎች ስም ዝርዝር ላይ ስሟ ተካቶ በምድብ አንድ እንደምትሮጥ ስትጠበቅ የነበረችው ወርቅውሀ ጌታቸው ግልፅ ባልተደረገ ምክንያት ውድድሩን ሳትጀምር ቀርታለች፡፡

የወንዶ 800 ሜትር

የወንዶች 800 ሜትር የመጀመሪያ ዙር ማጣሪያ ላይ የተሳተፈው ኢትዮጵያዊው መለሰ ንብረት ከምድብ ሶስት በ1:47.80 ሰባተኛ ሆኖ በማጠናቀቅ ለግማሽ ፍፃሜው ማለፍ ሳይችል ቀርቷል፡፡ በመሐመድ አማን ስኬቶች በመነቃቃት ላይ የነበረው የወንዶች 800 ሜትር ከቅርብ ግዜ ወዲህ ኢትዮጵያ ሶስት ሰዓት የሚያሟሉ ተወካይ አትሌቶችን ለማግኘት እየተቸገረችበት የምትገኝ ርቀት እንደሆነ እየታየ ነው፡፡ የኦሊምፒክ ሚኒማ ማሟላት የቻለ አንድ አትሌት ብቻ ይዘን የቀረብንበት የቶኪዮ ኦሊምፒክም ይህ ችግር እንዳልተቀረፈ የታየበት ሌላኛው አጋጣሚ ሆኗል፡፡  

የሴቶች 5000 ሜትር ማጣሪያ

በአትሌቲክሱ የመጀመሪያ ቀን ሐምሌ 23/2013 ምሽት ላይ በተደረት የሴቶች 5000 ሜትር ማጣሪያ ላይ የተሳተፉት ሶስቱም ኢትዮጵያውያን አትሌቶች ሐምሌ 26/2013 ምሽት ላይ ለሚደረገው የፍፃሜ ውድድር አልፈዋል፡፡ ከምድብ አንድ ሰንበሬ ተፈሪ (14፡48.31) እና እጅጋየሁ ታዬ (14፡48.52) የኔዘርላንዷ ሲፋን ሀሳን (14፡47.89) እና ኬንያዊቷ አግነስ (14፡48.01) ቲሮፕን ተከትለው በቅደም ተከተል ሶተኛ እና አራተኛ ሆነው ሲያልፉ ከምድብ ሁለት ጉዳፍ ፀጋዬ (14፡55.74) ኬንያዊቷ ሔለን ኦቢሪ (14፡55.77) አስከትላ በአንደኛነት አልፋለች፡፡


ሐምሌ 26/2013 ምሽት ላይ በሚደረገው የሴቶች 5000 ሜትር የፍፃሜ ውድድር ላይ የሚፎካከሩት ኢትዮጵያውያን አትሌቶች

በሄንግሎ በተከናወነው የኢትዮጵያ የኦሊምፒክ ምርጫ ውድድር ላይ ባስመዘገበችው የራሷ ምርጥ 14:13.32 የርቀቱ የወቅቱ ፈጣን አትሌት ሆና ወደ ቶኪዮ ያቀናችው ጉዳፍ ለወርቅ ሜዳልያ ድል ከሚጠበቁት መካከል ናት፡፡ በሄንግሎው ውድድር ላይ ጉዳፍን በመከተል በቅደም ተከተል 14:14.09 እና 14፡15.24 በሆነ ሰዓት የጨረሱት እጅጋየሁ እና ሰንበሬም በዓለም የምንግዜም ምርጥ ዝርዝር ውስጥ የስድስተኛ እና ሰባተኛ ደረጃን ለመያዝ የበቁ ጠንካራ አትሌቶች ናቸው፡፡ የቶኪዮ ኦሊምፒክ የሴቶች 5000 ሜትር ተወዳዳሪዎች ዝርዝር ሶስቱን ኢትዮጵያውያን ጨምሮ ከዓለም የምንግዜም ምርጥ አስር የርቀቱ ሯጮች አምስቱን ያካተተ ነው፡፡ ኬንያውያኑ ሄለን ኦቢሪ እና አግነስ ቲሮፕ ከምንግዜም ምርጥ አስሮቹ ውስጥ የሚካተቱ ሲሆኑ በ12ኛ ደረጃ ላይ የምትገኘው ኔዘርላንዳዊቷ ሲፋን ሀሳንም የቶኪዮውን የፍፃሜ ፉክክር በጉጉት እንዲጠበቅ የምታደርግ ብርቱ አትሌት ናት፡፡

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